1. #301

  2. #302
    Verbannen

    Reacties
    1.144
    03-03-2020

    Citaat Geplaatst door Ahmet1989 Bekijk reactie
    En jij dan?
    Precies
    brAnusje likt vandaag anus van AbouShemale en morgen scheld ie hem uit
    haat/liefde verhoudingen van brAnusje met zn kameraden gaat nergens over

  3. #303
    MVC Lid

    Reacties
    11.651
    20-04-2015

    Nog steeds geen veroordeling over de trannykhalief die de moslims in China laat stikken.

  4. #304
    DareDevil

    Reacties
    6.660
    14-03-2013

    Citaat Geplaatst door Rug Bekijk reactie
    Wat als ik zeg dat je niet normaal praat

    Wat als ik zeg dat je niet specifiek bent in je woorden

    Wat als ik zeg dat je je woorden beter moet toelichten.

    wat als ik zeg dat wat ik zei.
    Omdat het TIJD nodig heeft..

    en een puzzel(!)

    Kan enkel de weg laten zien..

  5. #305
    MVC Lid

    Reacties
    11.651
    20-04-2015

    What happened in China’s Xinjiang, home to 11 million Uyghurs?
    By Arzu
    5-7 minuten

    According to an excerpt from John Bolton’s next book published in The Wall Street Journal, Trump told Chinese President Xi Jinping during the luncheon last year that Xi should “move forward in building the camps,” which Trump thought was “exactly the right thing to do.”

    Trump’s alleged remarks are in stark contrast to the official position held by his administration, which has repeatedly challenged Beijing over its repressive policy in Xinjiang.

    Last July, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo went so far as to publicly describe the treatment of Ughurs by China as the “sign of the century.”

    Here’s what you need to know about Xinjiang and what goes on there.
    Where is Xinjiang and who lives here?

    Xinjiang, officially called the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, is a remote region in the far west.

    It is home to about 11 million Uighurs, a predominantly Muslim ethnic minority who speak a language closely linked to Turkish and have their own distinct culture.

    Rich in natural resources, particularly with oil and natural gas, the region has seen a large-scale influx of the Han population from most of the country in recent decades, amid a concerted effort by the government. to develop the economy of the region.

    Historically, the Uyghurs had been the majority in the region. Now, they are accounting for just under half of Xinjiang’s total population, and many of them live in the southern, rural areas of the region.

    Xinjiang is also geographically strategic for Beijing. It is China’s gateway to Central Asia, bordering Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Afghanistan, as well as Mongolia and Russia in the north and Pakistan and India in the south.
    What’s going on?

    The U.S. State Department estimates that more than a million Uyghurs, as well as members of other Muslim minority groups, have been detained in a sprawling network of internment camps in Xinjiang, where they have been “subjected to torture, cruel and inhuman or degrading treatment, such as physical and sexual abuse, forced labor and death. ”

    Former detainees told CNN that they experienced political indoctrination and abuse in the camps, such as food and sleep deprivation and forced injections.

    Initially, Beijing flatly denied the existence of the camps. But he later said the facilities are voluntary “vocational training centers” where people will learn job skills, Chinese language and law. The government now insists that camps are necessary for the prevention of religious extremism and terrorism.

    Chinese government documents leakedhowever, the revealed persons may be sent to a detention facility for merely “wearing a veil” or growing “a long beard.”

    The documents, along with other first-hand reports, paint an alarming picture of what appears to be a strategic campaign by Beijing to strip Uyghurs of their cultural and religious identity and to suppress behavior that is not patriotic.

    The Chinese government has challenged the authenticity of filtered memories.

    The suppression of Uyghurs in Xinjiang has also seen an increase in mass surveillance across the region.

    When CNN traveled through Xinjiang in 2019, there were surveillance cameras about every 150 feet, watching people’s faces and daily routines. Mobile police checkpoints are appearing in case in all regions, leading to wide range on public roads. At checkpoints, and sometimes randomly on the street, police arrested people for asking for their ID cards and sometimes asked them to collect unidentified electronic devices on cell phones to scan them without explanation.
    What is the return story?

    Beijing’s takeover of Xinjiang reports long-term paranoia about the border region and a deep suspicion of its non-Han population among China’s leaders, which have historically resulted in oppression and rebellion.

    While Chinese armies have been crawling through what is now Xinjiang and controlling part of it for centuries, modern administrative unity dates back only to the mid-nineteenth century, a fact hinted at by its name, which translates as ” new frontier “in Chinese.

    China & # 39; s paranoia s oppression in Xinjiang has a long history

    In the 1930s and 40s, Xinjiang experienced brief periods of partial independence, when the two Turkish Republics were declared and quickly annexed.

    Today, Uyghur activists pushing for Xinjiang to become a separate country still call it “East Turkestan.”

    Over the past few decades, the Chinese government has tightened its grip on power in the region, following incidents of violent ethnic violence. The turning point came in 2009, when ethnic riots crept through Urumqi, the regional capital, killing at least 197 people.

    Beijing has blamed Islamic militants and separatists for the violent attacks. But Uyghur activists and rights groups argue that Beijing’s repression of religious freedom and unjust ethnic policies is the root of the conflicts.

    Uyghurs and other minorities in Xinjiang have long complained of discrimination in employment and education, and corruption is independent in state-controlled industries that continue to dominate the local economy.

    In 2014, Ilham Tohti, a Beijing-based economics professor who was considered one of China’s leading moderate voices on Xinjiang, was jailed for life for “separatism” and spreading “ethnic hatre http://techtoday19.com/2020/06/what-...llion-uyghurs/

  6. #306
    MVC Lid

    Reacties
    11.651
    20-04-2015

    Analysts are already predicting a full year of recession ahead, including a collapse of the tourism sector, which will fuel pressure on the deficit and the lira. Facing these tough challenges, Erdogan has rejected outright experts’ recommendations to accept the support of the IMF. While the not-so-fond memories of IMF’s 1998 intervention in the Turkish economy are still fresh, the president’s critics are noting that his refusal to accept IMF assistance stems from political and not economic reasons, as IMF support is not consistent with the image Erdogan is trying to project of Turkey as a global power and will also demonstrate domestically his own mismanagement of the economy. https://www.iiss.org/blogs/analysis/...turkey-economy

  7. #307

  8. #308
    MVC Lid

    Reacties
    11.651
    20-04-2015

    China to the Rescue in Turkey?
    By George Marshall Lerner for The Diplomat
    7-9 minuten
    China Power | Diplomacy | Environment

    As Turkey battles debt and a currency crisis, can Chinese investment save the day? Or will it just create more problems?

    China to the Rescue in Turkey?

    Turkey, a NATO member that once fought against the Chinese in the Korean War during the 1950s, is now becoming increasingly dependent on China to stave off a financial crisis. According to Morgan Stanley, Turkey’s deficit widened in April to $5.60 billion from just $500 million in late 2019
    , thanks to the combination of a trade deficit and a drop in revenues from tourism. Chinese investment has rushed to the rescue as Turkey has all but run out of crucial foreign reserves needed to pay down its debt. Just last week the People’s Bank of China extended a swap for Turkish lira for Chinese renminbi valued at $400 million. The currency swap deal was originally signed in 2012, but is finding new life now after Ankara found every other door to staving off a currency collapse was closed.

    Beijing is eyeing this opportunity to ensure Turkey becomes a vital part of its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). One Chinese logistics company recently bought 48 percent of Kumport Terminal for $940 million; located on the northwest coast of the Marmara Sea, Kumport is Turkey’s third largest container terminal and is a strategic link to Europe. According to the Daily Sabah, in November 2019 Turkey also welcomed the first freight train from Xi’an via the Chinese-built and funded Marmaray Tunnel. Using this tunnel, any train can make a non-stop transit from China to Europe for the first time.

    Gao Tian, the China-Germany Railway project manager, argues that projects like these foreshadow how Turkey will be the very center of the BRI rail and infrastructure project connecting East and West. The vision involves developing Turkey from a simple transit hub for LNG, freight goods, and other products into an active, global hub of international trade, the “Middle Corridor” of China’s Silk Road Economic Belt. Additional ancillary projects to help develop the Middle Corridor include Turkey’s Thermal Power Plant project, worth nearly $1.7 billion, which ensures the country’s long-term energy security.

    Very enthusiastic Chinese investment, however, may not immediately offset either Turkey’s looming currency crisis or the long-term corporate debt problem, which is soaring to more than $300 billion. Issues of insolvency have already impacted Chinese-funded projects. Yavuz Sultan Selim Bridge — one of the tallest in the world — was financed by China to the tune of $2.7 billion. When it became clear the owner would not be able to pay it back, the bridge was sold to Chinese investors for $688 million.

    Beyond the failing areas of the economy, the only sector in Turkey that is still growing is technology — and it, too, is being heavily sought after by China. This includes Turkey’s largest e-commerce platform, Trendyol, with 2 million active shoppers and 25 million members. It was bought for $750 million by Alibaba. According to one person inside of Alibaba, the Chinese e-commerce giant is promising cost savings with Chinese-origin goods, believing Alibaba’s vast infrastructure, transport, and logistics expertise will benefit Turkish consumers with cheaper goods and even free three-day shipping.

    But is the heavy investment by China enough to save Turkey? As Western companies fleeing Turkey — where last week the world’s largest stock indexer announced $900 million is at risk in the likely event Turkey is downgraded from “emerging” to much lower “frontier” status — blue-chip European companies pull out, and private equity firms sell their stakes, China will not only have to fill the investment gap but also the looming foreign currency gap, too. Here is where the two problems are a distinction without a difference.

    According to a former economic advisor to Turkey’s ruling AK Party, it is clear to Ankara the lira must be devalued even more than it has. The question is not if but when. The lira has lost nearly half of its value since 2018, but a shock devaluation will cause significant economic pain for a country that is a net importer, as goods will become more expensive. With large foreign investment, a gradual devaluation might be possible. One silver lining of COVID-19 is the lower energy prices — due to lower global energy demand — slightly lengthened the time Turkey has to use its limited amount of foreign currency to pay off its debt.

    But in the next six months, Turkey will have to find a whopping $60 billion to enable Ankara to convert its foreign debt into more easily manageable local debt. If a foreign investor were to invest in Turkey in installments, then maybe the Turkish corporate sector will be able to ride out the COVID-19 storm. China does not want Turkey to end up like Argentina in the 1990s, where corporate earnings — which were backed by major U.S. creditors — were strong until a sudden shock currency crisis caused the peso to lose nearly all of its value. The resulting destruction of the Argentine peso meant corporations then had wheelbarrows full of worthless currency that could never pay off their American-denominated debt. Turkey might avoid such a catastrophe so long as Ankara opens its economy to more Chinese investment, especially with the very slim chance of being extended a lifeline by Washington.

    For the civil servants in Washington D.C., the emerging influence of China into the economy of a NATO member is deeply unsettling. Thus Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is waiting out the storm, hoping U.S. President Donald Trump wins re-election and decides to aid his ally’s economic recovery by reversing the American veto on a IMF bailout of Turkey.

    Finally, there is nothing inherently wrong in Turkey buying more from China than they sell. But the fact that trade is so one-sided should concern Ankara. Last year, Tajikistan — heavily indebted to China — paid a Chinese company building a power plant with a gold mine; a few years earlier it swapped Beijing some land for debt, according to Eurasianet. Turkey’s widening trade imbalances with China may be a warning for deals to come. https://thediplomat.com/2020/07/chin...cue-in-turkey/

  9. #309

  10. #310
    MVC Lid

    Reacties
    11.651
    20-04-2015

    The 'perfect Uighur': outgoing and hard working – but still not safe from China's camps
    Uighurs

    Beijing claims its re-education camps in Xinjiang are needed to combat Islamic terrorism, but Dilara’s experiences tell a different story

    Eveline Chao in New York

    Tue 21 Jul 2020 02.39 BST
    Last modified on Tue 21 Jul 2020 17.43 BST

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    Dilara at the beach with her daughter
    Dilara at the beach with her daughter. Dilara’s mother was sent to a “re-education” camp in China after spending time with her daughter in Turkey. Photograph: Dilara

    By the standards of Chinese officialdom, Dilara is surely the perfect minority. She doesn’t wear a headscarf. She drinks beer. Pretty and outgoing, she socialises often with Chinese friends.

    If you closed your eyes and heard her speak Mandarin, you would never guess she had greenish eyes and brown hair, that she isn’t Han – the dominant ethnic group in China – but Uighur, a Muslim, Turkic-speaking people who call Xinjiang province, in the far west of China, their homeland.

    In fact, Dilara’s entire family are model citizens. Her parents are also fluent Chinese speakers – slightly unusual for Uighurs of their generation. During the 1990s, they were among the only Uighurs working at a big, state-owned utility in Urumqi, the capital of Xinjiang. Her mother had landed the coveted position because she was the top student at her school, which was almost entirely Han. Dilara grew up amongst Han Chinese, in a modern apartment complex in a desirable part of town. Like her mother, she was the top student in school, and attended a prestigious university on China’s east coast.
    China's UK ambassador denies abuse of Uighurs despite fresh drone footage
    Read more

    But then Dilara made a mistake. She moved to Turkey with her husband in 2015. Her mother came to visit, staying a year to help care for their newborn baby. When her mother returned to China in early 2018, she was told she needed “education”. Her passport was confiscated and she was imprisoned in an internment camp for nearly a year.

    “All of my Uighur friends in Turkey have family members in the camps,” Dilara said.

    Since 2017, up to 1.8 million Uighurs and other Muslims have been held in what researcher Adrian Zenz calls “probably the largest incarceration of an ethno-religious minority since the Holocaust”. Many have been interned for reasons as trivial as wearing headscarves or long beards, declining to eat pork, or in the case of Dilara’s mother, having travelled abroad. Many of them, according to Dilara, have also had their assets seized.
    The city of Hotan in Xinjiang in 2010
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    The city of Hotan in Xinjiang in 2010 Photograph: Eveline Chao

    Human rights investigators say an outright genocide is taking place. As Uighur men have disappeared into prison or forced labor compounds while mosques and other religious sites have been demolished, Uighur women are being forcibly sterilised, given abortions and IUDs. Many Uighurs abroad fear that speaking out will incur retaliation against their family members back home. For that reason, Dilara asked to use only her first name.

    Lawyers have filed evidence to the international criminal court calling on it to investigate senior Chinese officials, including Xi Jinping, for genocide and crimes against humanity. The US has placed sanctions on senior Chinese officials, prompting China to retaliate, while the UK has said it is clear the minority group has suffered “egregious human rights abuses”.

    As international outcry has grown, the Chinese government has maintained the internment camps are language schools or vocational centres, bringing economic development to an impoverished area. It also claims its harsh policies in Xinjiang are necessary to combat Islamic terrorism, citing as justification several deadly incidents in years past that were carried out by Uighurs.

    However, the experiences of Dilara’s family and friends undermine those claims. Like Dilara’s mother, many people who have been interned are educated, cosmopolitan Uighurs who had well-paying, white-collar jobs. Teachers, office clerks, doctors and lawyers, they are fluent in Chinese and in many cases, were only casually observant in their religious practice. They are the very ideal of the so-called well-assimilated minorities that the government claims it is creating. But they have not been spared.
    ‘We love China, we’re not bad people’

    As 2018 dragged on with no word of her mother’s whereabouts, Dilara’s anxiety mounted. Her relatives deleted her from their phones and a Han Chinese stranger moved into her 85-year-old grandmother’s house, part of a surveillance campaign that has sent more than a million Chinese citizens to occupy Uighur households. Her grandmother, Dilara learned later, would curse the man every day in Uighur, a language he couldn’t understand. “She wasn’t afraid, because she’s so old,” Dilara said.

    Finally, after close to a year, Dilara received a message from an aunt: “She’s out.” Dilara and her husband worked for Chinese companies in Turkey who had sent letters on the family’s behalf, “telling them we love China, we’re not bad people, and we’re not terrorists”.
    Dilara holding a photograph of her mother
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    Dilara holds a photograph of her mother Photograph: Dilara

    Since the release, Dilara and her mother communicate regularly through WeChat. Life feels oddly normal, full of chit-chat about grandchildren and food - her mother lost 10kg in the camp – and yet, it is not. Her mother’s passport has been confiscated, and Dilara does not dare return to China.

    For months after being released, her mother had to attend weekly flag-raising ceremonies at the camp, standing silently alongside rows of other Uighurs. Each time, she would post a video of it to WeChat. “Every fucking Monday,” Dilara said, pulling out her phone and loading up her mother’s account, “she posts, ‘Flag-raising ceremony.’” She scrolled down to the next several posts. “Flag-raising ceremony,” she repeated.
    An image of the flag raising ceremony
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    An image of the flag raising ceremony Photograph: Eveline Chao

    Dilara is aware there are large subject areas her mother avoids, because their calls are probably monitored. Her mother only feels safe mentioning the camps when saying something positive. She has bragged that she was the best student there, getting high marks in the monthly tests on “Xi Jinping thought” and Communist party doctrine.
    ‘They don’t believe me’

    What is most upsetting to Dilara – and what compels her to speak out – is that none of her Han Chinese friends know what is happening. During the year her mother was interned, she tried to tell her colleagues about the camps, but “they would always say, ‘No you must be wrong, that can’t be.’”. Her company paid for return trips to China every few months, and each time, her colleagues would ask why she wasn’t coming home too. “I kept telling them, we can’t go back, but they don’t believe me,” she said.

    To this day, Dilara thinks of herself as both Uighur and Chinese; the identities are not mutually exclusive. In casual conversation, she refers to herself as Chinese. She and her other Uighur friends seek out Chinese restaurants, and she is especially fond of rice noodles. She dreams of being able to live in Shanghai, her favourite city in the world.

    But looking back, she realises the Chinese government doesn’t consider her an equal. She learned this when she was 19, on a trip to Shanghai with a university friend.

    When they tried to check into their hotel, the clerk told them, “I’m sorry, we can’t allow people from Xinjiang to stay here.” At the time, Dilara did not know about a policy barring Uighurs and Tibetans from hotels. They tried three more places, and were turned away from each.

    Past 1am, exhausted and desperate, they found a police officer. He made several calls, and found an expensive, foreign-owned hotel that agreed to take them for one night.

    In their room, she and her friend cried. “It hurt so much,” she recalled. “They made us feel like criminals.” As for the officer, “He told us: ‘You should leave this place.’” https://www.theguardian.com/world/20...m-chinas-camps

  11. #311
    MVC Lid

    Reacties
    11.651
    20-04-2015

    Zo veranderd een "safe heaven" in een hel voor oeigoeren
    How Turkey is sending Muslim Uighurs back to China without breaking its promise*

    Revealed: President Erdogan is helping China repatriate Muslim dissidents by sending them to third countries before they return

    ByGareth Browne*ISTANBUL26 July 2020 • 6:00am

    *She was chatting to her son, when the phone call was suddenly interrupted. And that was the last anyone heard from Aimuzi Kuwanhan, a 59-year-old mother of two and a Uighur Muslim who had managed to flee China and make it to what she thought was a safe haven in Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s Turkey.

    Originally from Kashgar in Xinjiang, China - once a stop on the Silk Road - Kuwanhan found refuge in Turkey from a*suffocating campaign of repression against China’s Uighurs. But China, it seems, came looking for her, and, one year on, no one can even say if she is alive.*

    The widow’s family believes she has been extradited to an unknown fate in China, via* Tajikistan. Like hundreds more, she is a victim, they believe, of big business colliding with human rights, another human sacrifice to keep Beijing’s investment rolling into Turkey.*

    No wonder, then, an increasing number of Uighurs in Turkey are fearful of China’s reach. Ismael Cengiz, a prominent activist known as the Uighurs’ symbolic Prime Minister, says:*“There are threats, and they are systematic. They want us to think they can get us anywhere.”

    ADVERTENTIE

    Turkey has, it has been proud to say, been good for the Uighurs. An*estimated 50,000 of them are refugees here, and they have flourished under Erdogan, who in recent years has cast himself as a protector of Muslims across the world.*

    Uighur exile Milikeziti Hebibul, 35, holds photographs of her family members, who she believe are detained in China, in Zeytunburnu, a suburb of Istanbul*CREDIT: Sam Tarling for The Telegraph*

    In the Istanbul neighbourhood of Zeytinburnu, their culture has thrived. Uighur poetry is published; shops throughout the district sell elaborate Uighur garments; and restaurants serve the spicy noodle dishes that remind so many of home.*

    Turkey has also provided them a platform to tell the world of what they say is the genocide being perpetrated against China’s Muslims, with*1.5 million Uighurs held in concentration camps*across the country. So far, so good.*

    Now lawyers say Beijing is manipulating extradition agreements to drag Uighurs back to the re-education camps. And, activists argue, Ankara’s growing economic dependence on Beijing is compromising its ability to withstand Chinese pressure and to protect Uiyghurs who have fled Xinjiang.*

    While Turkey refuses to send Uighurs directly back to China, campaigners say there are those willing to send them to third countries, like Tajikistan. From there, it is easier for China to secure their extradition.*

    So why would Turks be complicit in this? Money, comes the answer, and ensuring Chinese investment in Turkey continues.

    Kuwanhan, believed to be suffering from dementia, suddenly vanished from the state housing she lived in last summer. She surfaced two weeks later with a phone call from a detention centre in Izmir.

    Turkish authorities deny Kuwanhan was detained in Izmir deportation centre. But phone call records prove she made multiple phone calls from a fixed-line within the centre to her family.*

    After several weeks, Kuwanhan - her passport photograph showed a woman smiling shyly and wearing a headscarf -* was told she had been cleared for release, the family says. But, in the middle of the call to her son, a guard yelled at her to hang up the phone. She has not been heard from since.

    A lawyer hired by her family subsequently discovered that she had been extradited to Tajikistan, despite having never lived there or having held Tajik citizenship. Sources who knew Kuwanhan say from there she was sent to China.

    She was no activist. Those who knew her said that after arriving in Turkey she tried to live a quiet life. In 2012, though, one of her sons was sentenced to 14 years in prison in China for learning the Quran.

    Her case mirrors that of Zinnetgul Tursun, another Uighur woman deported to Tajikistan last year with her infant daughters. They too had no links to Tajikistan, and, after arriving, they were sent to China.*

    Uighur activists try on plastic chains and imitation prison uniforms ahead of a demonstration outside the Chinese embassy in Istanbul, Turkey*CREDIT: Sam Tarling for The Telegraph*

    A convulsing economy and friction with Europe have forced Turkey to invest in other friendships, in particular China. As a key part of Beijing's Belt & Road investment strategy, Chinese corporations have invested billions in developing Turkish infrastructure, and Beijing aims to double investments to more than $6 billion by the end of next year.

    This cosying of relations and Ankara’s increasing dependence on Beijing’s investment has come at a cost for Uighurs. As Cengiz says:* “There is so much money at stake, our cause is only second to that.”

    Though publicly supportive of the Uighur plight, Ankara is hamstrung by bilateral agreements with China’s Justice ministry. They oblige the Turkish authorities to investigate complaints raised by China against individuals.

    Turkey is also keen to improve its international standing on how it deals with terrorists amid claims it was soft on foreign jihadists travelling to Syria in the early years of the Syrian Civil War. Beijing stands accused of playing on that.**

    The Sunday Telegraph was shown Chinese intelligence documents submitted by China’s Public Security Ministry as part of extradition requests proclaiming the targets to be terrorist suspects. While several hundred Uighurs did travel to Syria to join Uighur jihadist groups, the applications focus instead simply on Uighur identity.*

    Scores of Uighurs have spent months in detention and deportation centres across Turkey without charge as the result of Chinese judicial demands. Though Turkey has a policy of not deporting Uighurs to China, where they would likely face detention or death, The Sunday Telegraph has uncovered evidence that China has succeeded in getting Uighurs deported to third countries. They are then believed to be sent on to China.

    Ibrahim Ergin, a lawyer who specialises in deportation cases, said: “No Uighurs will be extradited directly to China. I don’t think this will change any time soon. So they [China] try to make their lives as miserable as they can, and get them sent to other countries where possible. As China and Turkey’s relations have got better, it’s the Uighurs who have lost.”*

    Ergin claimed that intelligence briefings sent as part of extradition requests often feature fabricated testimonies. One was based on five testimonies, but three of the alleged witnesses had been executed in Chinese camps, he said.*

    He described how the Turkish government is being drowned by extradition demands, arrest warrants, and judicial requests from China. Some come directly from Beijing, others through Interpol, and he suspects others are issued by third countries on behalf of China.

    Ergin said: “I have a list of 200 Uighur academics in Turkey. In one way or another, China is making demands on all 200 of them.”

    An anti-china activist wears a Free Uighurs mask, in Istanbul, Turkey*CREDIT: Sam Tarling for The Telegraph*

    But there is more. Ilsan Aniwar, wearing a blue medical face mask bearing the slogan ‘Free Uighurs’, is a key figure in the Uighur community, thanks to his online videos on East Turkestan - the Uighur name for Xinjiang. He claims Beijing is now putting pressure on the Turkish authorities to stifle activism on the concentration camps in China. And he believes there are spies within the camp.*

    Aniwar said: “There are people working for China inside our community. We used to campaign and raise awareness outside all the big mosques, and fly [Uighur] flags at all the public events. They don’t let us anymore.”

    Aniwar’s activism has seen him arrested several times over the last year. He told The Sunday Telegraph that in his most recent period of detention guards attempted to trick him into signing a voluntary deportation request.

    A Uighur activist wears plastic chains and an imitation prison uniform ahead of a demonstration outside the Chinese embassy in IstanbulCREDIT: Sam Tarling for The Telegraph*

    He, like all the activists with whom The Sunday Telegraph spoke, are guarded about Turkey. As Ismail Cengiz says, “It’s not in our interest to pick a fight with the Turkish state. They have been very good to us. When nobody else was listening, they took us in.”

    The Sunday Telegraph approached a Turkish Foreign Ministry spokesperson for comment but received no reply. Turkey has previously vehemently denied deporting Uighurs to China

    *https://www.google.com/amp/s/www.tel...g-promise/amp/

  12. #312
    MVC Lid

    Reacties
    1.026
    02-05-2018

    Erg vreemd dat Trump zich wel bekommert over China als het over zijn handelsrelaties gaat, maar nooit hoor je hem over de martelingen in de kampen. Maar ja, dat zal vast typisch trump zijn, anders gaan zijn handelsrelaties eraan.

    Oog om oog, tand om tand. De relatie tussen China en de Verenigde Staten staat onder hoogspanning


    Foto's van Trump en buitenlandminister Pompeo voor het consulaat van de Verenigde Staten in China, nadat activisten erop zijn gaan staan.Beeld EPA
    De relatie tussen China en de Verenigde Staten staat onder hoogspanning. Consulaten moeten sluiten en minister Pompeo roept de Chinezen op zich te verzetten tegen de Communistische Partij. Hoe reageert Peking?

    Eefje Rammeloo24 juli 2020, 18:35
    Als een mier die een boom in beweging probeert te brengen. Zo beschreef buitenlandwoordvoerder Hua Chunying de opruiend bedoelde woorden van de Amerikaanse minister van buitenlandse zaken Pompeo. In een toespraak riep hij het Chinese volk op om de koers van de Communistische Partij te veranderen.

    Nu kun je in China veel zeggen, zelfs kritiek leveren, maar kom niet aan de Communistische Partij. Pompeo’s oproep toont vooral hoe weinig hij van het land begrijpt, menen veel mensen. Het komt bovenop het volgens critici erg onrealistische plan om leden van de Communistische Partij niet meer toe te laten tot de Verenigde Staten. Samen met hun familieleden komt dat neer op maar liefst 270 miljoen mensen.

    De Amerikaanse regering maakt het het Chinese ministerie van propaganda niet erg moeilijk. Yi ya hai ya, oog om oog, tand om tand, is een veelgebruikte uitdrukking op sociale media. Iedere stap die de Trump-regering zet, kan president Xi Jinping ook zetten. Als de Amerikanen willen dat het Chinese consulaat in Houston sluit, dan volgt de sluiting van de Amerikaanse vestiging in Chengdu.



    Een agent in burger hindert een fotograaf bij het Amerikaanse consulaat in Chengdu. Beeld REUTERS
    Spionage
    Die stad ligt op de toegangsweg naar gevoelige gebieden zoals Xinjiang en Tibet. De sluiting maakt het de Verenigde Staten lastiger om door te gaan met hun ‘spionageactiviteiten in deze gebieden’, zegt Wu Xinbo, hoofd van het instituut voor internationale studies aan de Fudan Universiteit in een blog.

    De officiële verklaring voor de sluiting van het consulaat in Chengdu luidt dat ‘sommige personeelsleden zich bemoeiden met China’s binnenlandse aangelegenheden en de Chinese nationale veiligheid schade toebrachten’. Woordvoerder Wang Wenbin: “De VS weten wat ze hebben gedaan”.

    Het consulaat in Houston moest sluiten omdat het een spionagebolwerk zou zijn. Nu richten de Amerikaanse pijlen zich ook op het Chinese consulaat in San Francisco. Daar zou zich een neurologisch onderzoeker schuilhouden die op haar visumaanvraag een eerdere betrekking bij de Chinese luchtmacht zou hebben verzwegen. De FBI beschuldigt haar van visumfraude.


    Nieuwe Koude Oorlog
    Er is geen reden dat China niet hetzelfde kan doen, schrijft staatskrant Global Times in een commentaar. De krant vindt dat China tot nu toe een ‘passieve partij’ was in de alsmaar killere bilaterale relatie. “Sommige mensen in de Amerikaanse regering zijn vastbesloten om een nieuwe ‘Koude Oorlog’ of zelfs een echte oorlog met China te lanceren, om China’s momentum de kop in te drukken, en China’s ontwikkeling te vertragen”, zegt Jin Canrong van de Volksuniversiteit in Peking.

    Hoever kan de escalatie gaan? Het zal verder bergafwaarts gaan en er zullen zich incidenten voordoen, maar een echte oorlog is ‘niet waarschijnlijk’, denkt politicoloog Shi Yinhong. “Daar hebben beide landen geen capaciteit voor, én dat zou tastbare gevolgen hebben.”

    De staatsmedia leggen er graag de nadruk op dat Trump alles doet om herkozen te worden in het najaar. Kreeg de Amerikaanse president in het begin van zijn termijn nog het voordeel van de twijfel door zijn bijzondere stijl en zakelijke kwaliteiten, die is nu grotendeels verdampt.

    Pekings eerste, verontwaardigde reactie op het Amerikaanse bevel het consulaat in Houston te sluiten, toont dat ze er wel degelijk mee in haar maag zit. Maar president Xi heeft het volk mee zolang hij niet degene is die het initiatief neemt, hij volgt zijn Amerikaanse collega. Het is de vraag of Trump in de gaten heeft dat iedere stap die hij zet, schijnbaar moeiteloos wordt geïmiteerd.

  13. #313
    MVC Lid

    Reacties
    11.651
    20-04-2015

    Turkey President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is the self-styled defender of the Muslim world. The Turkey president jumps on any opportunity to criticise India especially when it's about the Muslim community.

    However, the Turkish president does not say anything against China or on the oppression of Uighur Muslims.

    In 2019, Erdogan had said people in Xinjiang are living happily. Now, he is supporting the persecution of Uighurs by enabling their extradition to China.

    new report extensively documents the innovative ways through which Turkey extradites Uighurs. They first identify them, then send them to a third country and from there China can secure their extradition.

    The Telegraph report found that several Uighurs were sent to Tajikistan - a country that readily complies when China files an extradition request.

    According to one estimate, 50,000 Uighurs have sought refuge in Turkey. They are trying to evade repression in China but the Dragon’s long arm has now reached them.

    WION spoke to Arslan Hidayat, a Uighur rights activist based in Istanbul. Hidayat has first-hand knowledge about these extraditions. Hidayat described the great lengths to which China can go to secure the return of Uighurs.

    Hidayat said China hunts for Uighurs as they can expose the country's dictatorial repression.

    Beijing sent a request to the Turkish government to extradite an Uighur earlier.*

    The extradition requested named one Enver Turdi. He had shared information about the Chinese government's abuses with the Western press. In 2015, the Chinese embassy in Turkey refused to issue him a passport. As a result, he couldn’t renew his temporary residence permit for Turkey. Two years later, Enver Turdi was placed in a deportation facility and interrogated by Turkish authorities.

    Turkey and China had signed a draft extradition treaty in 2017 but the Turkish parliament hasn’t ratified it. Erdogan wants the Chinese to keep cutting the cheques. In 2010, China and Turkey had signed eight strategic cooperative pacts. It could increase their annual trade volumes to $100 billion this year.

    Last year, China’s central bank made a $1 billion cash infusion into the Turkish economy with struggling banks receiving bailouts from China. Beijing has even sanctioned a $3.6 billion package for Turkey’s energy sector.

    *

    For these reasons, Erdogan won’t say anything about the Uighurs. The Turkish president is indebted to China just like the rest of the Muslim world.

    Money talks https://www.wionews.com/world/why-er...o-china-316326

  14. #314
    MVC Lid

    Reacties
    11.651
    20-04-2015

    China Uighurs: A model's video gives a rare glimpse inside internment
    By John Sudworth BBC News

    4 August 2020

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    Image caption An image sent by Merdan Ghappar appears to show him handcuffed in a cell

    Merdan Ghappar was used to posing for the camera.

    As a model for the massive Chinese online retailer Taobao, the 31-year-old was well paid to flaunt his good looks in slick promotional videos for clothing brands.

    But one video of Mr Ghappar is different. Instead of a glitzy studio or fashionable city street, the backdrop is a bare room with grubby walls and steel mesh on the window. And in place of the posing, Mr Ghappar sits silently with an anxious expression on his face.

    Holding the camera with his right hand, he reveals his dirty clothes, his swollen ankles, and a set of handcuffs fixing his left wrist to the metal frame of the bed - the only piece of furniture in the room.
    Media captionThe video Uighur model Merdan Ghappar filmed inside China's detention system

    The video of Mr Ghappar, along with a number of accompanying text messages also passed to the BBC, together provide a chilling and extremely rare first-hand account of China's highly secure and secretive detention system - sent directly from the inside.

    The material adds to the body of evidence documenting the impact of China's fight against what it calls the "three evil forces" of separatism, terrorism, and extremism in the country's far western region of Xinjiang.

    Over the past few years, credible estimates suggest, more than one million Uighurs and other minorities have been forced into a network of highly secure camps in Xinjiang that China has insisted are voluntary schools for anti-extremism training.

    Thousands of children have been separated from their parents and, recent research shows, women have been forcibly subjected to methods of birth control.

    In addition to the clear allegations of torture and abuse, Mr Ghappar's account appears to provide evidence that, despite China's insistence that most re-education camps have been closed, Uighurs are still being detained in significant numbers and held without charge.

    It also contains new details about the huge psychological pressure placed on Uighur communities, including a document he photographed which calls on children as young as 13 to "repent and surrender".
    Image caption Part of a document sent by Merdan Ghappar calling on children to 'repent and surrender'

    And with Xinjiang currently experiencing a spike in the number of coronavirus infections, the dirty and crowded conditions he describes highlight the serious risk of contagion posed by this kind of mass detention during a global pandemic.

    The BBC sent detailed requests for comment to the Chinese Foreign Ministry and Xinjiang authorities but neither responded.

    Mr Ghappar's family, who have not heard from him since the messages stopped five months ago, are aware that the release of the four minute, thirty-eight second video of him in his cell might increase the pressure and punishment he faces.

    But they say it is their last hope, both to highlight his case and the plight of the Uighurs in general.

    His uncle, Abdulhakim Ghappar, who now lives in the Netherlands, believes the video could galvanise public opinion in the same way that footage of the police treatment of George Floyd became a powerful symbol of racial discrimination in the US.

    "They have both faced brutality for their race," he says.

    "But while in America people are raising their voices, in our case there is silence."

    In 2009, Merdan Ghappar - like many Uighurs at that time - left Xinjiang to seek opportunity in China's wealthier cities in the east.

    Having studied dance at Xinjiang Arts University, he found work first as a dancer and then, a few years later, as a model in the southern Chinese city of Foshan. Friends say Mr Ghappar could earn up to 10,000 Rmb (£1,000) per day.

    His story reads like an advert for the country's dynamic, booming economy and President Xi Jinping's "China Dream". But the Uighurs, with their Turkic language, Islamic faith and ethnic ties to the peoples and cultures of central Asia, have long been viewed as an object of suspicion by Chinese rulers and faced discrimination in wider society.

    Mr Ghappar's relatives say that Mr Ghappar was told it would be best for his modelling career to downplay his Uighur identity and refer to his facial features as "half-European".
    Image copyright Wu Zi Yang Agency
    Image caption Merdan Ghappar moved from Xinjiang in 2009 to pursue a modelling career

    And although he had earned enough money to buy a sizeable apartment, they say he was unable to register it in his own name, instead having to use the name of a Han Chinese friend.

    But those injustices now seem mild by comparison with what was to come.

    Ever since two brutal attacks targeting pedestrians and commuters in Beijing in 2013 and the city of Kunming in 2014 - blamed by China on Uighur separatists - the state has begun to view Uighur culture as not only suspicious but seditious.

    By 2018, when the state had come up with its answer - the sprawling system of camps and jails built rapidly and extensively across Xinjiang - Mr Ghappar was still living in Foshan, where his life was about to take an abrupt turn for the worse.

    In August that year, he was arrested and sentenced to 16 months in prison for selling cannabis, a charge his friends insist was trumped up.

    Whether truly guilty or not, there was little chance of an acquittal, with statistics showing that more than 99% of defendants brought before Chinese criminal courts are convicted.
    Image copyright Reuters
    Image caption Up to a million Muslims are thought to have been detained in prison camps across Xinjiang

    But, upon his release in November 2019, any relief he felt at having served his time was short lived. Little more than a month later, police knocked on his door, telling him he needed to return to Xinjiang to complete a routine registration procedure.

    The BBC has seen evidence that appears to show he was not suspected of any further offence, with authorities simply stating that "he may need to do a few days of education at his local community" - a euphemism for the camps.

    On 15 January this year, his friends and family were allowed to bring warm clothes and his phone to the airport, before he was put on a flight from Foshan and escorted by two officers back to his home city of Kucha in Xinjiang.

    There is evidence of other Uighurs being forced to return home, either from elsewhere in China or from abroad, and Mr Ghappar's family were convinced that he had disappeared into the re-education camps.

    But more than a month later they received some extraordinary news.

    Somehow, he had managed to get access to his phone and was using it to communicate with the outside world.

    Merdan Ghappar's text messages, said to have been sent from the same room as his self-shot video, paint an even more terrifying picture of his experience after arriving in Xinjiang.

    Written via the Chinese social media app WeChat, he explains that he was first kept in a police jail in Kucha.

    "I saw 50 to 60 people detained in a small room no bigger than 50 square metres, men on the right, women on the left," he writes.

    "Everyone was wearing a so-called 'four-piece-suit', a black head sack, handcuffs, leg shackles and an iron chain connecting the cuffs to the shackles."

    China's use of these combined hand and leg cuffs has been criticised in the past by human rights groups.

    Mr Ghappar was made to wear the device and, joining his fellow inmates in a caged-off area covering around two-thirds of the cell, he found there was no room to lie down and sleep.

    "I lifted the sack on my head and told the police officer that the handcuffs were so tight they hurt my wrists," he writes in one of the text messages.

    "He shouted fiercely at me, saying 'If you remove your hood again, I will beat you to death'. And after that I dared not to talk," he adds.

    "Dying here is the last thing I want."

    He writes about the constant sound of screaming, coming from elsewhere in the jail. "Interrogation rooms," he suggested.

    And he describes squalid and unsanitary conditions - inmates suffering from lice while sharing just a handful of plastic bowls and spoons between them all.

    "Before eating, the police would ask people with infectious diseases to put their hands up and they'd be the last to eat," he writes.

    "But if you want to eat earlier, you can remain silent. It's a moral issue, do you understand?"

    Then, on 22 January, with China at the height of its coronavirus crisis, news of a massive, nationwide attempt to control the epidemic reached the prisoners.

    Mr Ghappar's account suggests the enforcement of quarantine rules were much stricter in Xinjiang than elsewhere. At one point, four young men, aged between 16 and 20, were brought into the cell.

    "During the epidemic period they were found outside playing a kind of game like baseball," he writes.

    "They were brought to the police station and beaten until they screamed like babies, the skin on their buttocks split open and they couldn't sit down."

    The policemen began making all the prisoners wear masks, although they still had to remain hooded in the stuffy, over-crowded cell.

    "A hood and a mask - there was even less air," he writes. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-53650246

  15. #315
    MVC Lid

    Reacties
    11.651
    20-04-2015

    Oeigoers model filmt zeldzame beelden heropvoedingskampen China
    05 augustus 2020 21:53
    Er zouden miljoenen Oeigoeren vastzitten in de kampen. Beeld © Reuters

    Op vandaag naar buiten gebrachte beelden en sms-berichten van het Oeigoerse model Merdan Ghappar wordt een uniek inkijkje gegeven in de Chinese heropvoedingskampen. Oeigoeren, onder wie Ghappar, zouden daar worden vastgehouden en gemarteld.

    Het beeldmateriaal is in handen van de BBC. In de video zit de 31-jarige Ghappar op de rand van zijn bed. Hij filmt met één hand door de kamer. De andere hand zit met boeien vast aan de spijlen van zijn bed.
    Tralies

    Voor de ramen van de kamer zitten tralies en de enkels van Ghappar zijn gezwollen. Zelf zegt hij niets. Maar op de achtergrond klinkt propaganda over de autonome regio Xinjiang, voornamelijk bewoond door de Oeigoerse moslimminderheid.

    Ook verstuurde Ghappar sms-berichten over zijn verblijf. Daarin beschrijft hij hoe mensen worden geboeid aan handen en voeten en hoe onhygiënisch de omstandigheden zijn.
    Bekijk de video van Merdan Ghappar:

    "Mijn hele lichaam is bedekt met luizen. Het jeukt zo erg", schrijft hij. Door de muren heen zou Ghappar geschreeuw horen van andere gevangenen, die waarschijnlijk werden gemarteld.

    De gevangenen zouden een zak over hun hoofd moeten doen. "Ik tilde de zak op van mijn hoofd en vertelde de politieagent dat de handboeien zo strak waren dat ze mijn polsen pijn deden", schrijft hij in een van de sms-berichten. "Hij schreeuwde hard naar me en zei: 'Als je je zak weer afdoet, sla ik je dood.' Toen durfde ik niet meer te praten."
    Oeigoeren

    De Oeigoeren zijn een islamitisch volk in het westen van China. Vooral sinds 2016 heeft de Chinese overheid het op hen gemunt. China ziet de Oeigoeren als potentiële terroristen en stuurt ze naar 'heropvoedingskampen'. Daar moeten Oeigoeren en lokale minderheden onder dwang veranderen in een soort Chinese modelburgers. In de praktijk blijkt het te gaan om concentratiekampen.

    Velen van hen zijn alleen maar gevangen gezet omdat ze een hoofddoek dragen, hebben gebeden of contact hebben met het buitenland. Gevluchte Oeigoeren en mensenrechtenorganisaties vertellen dat de gevangenen worden gehersenspoeld en gemarteld.

    De beelden en sms-berichten zijn uniek omdat nog veel onduidelijk is over de Chinese heropvoedingskampen. China heeft naar schatting meer dan een miljoen Oeigoeren opgesloten in concentratiekampen. Maar volgens China gaat het om omscholingsinstellingen waar Oeigoeren vrijwillig naartoe gaan.
    Publiciteit als uitweg

    Waarom Ghappar in het heropvoedingskamp zit, is niet bekend. Hij is een succesvol Oeigoers model, maar heeft nooit blijk gegeven van anti-Chinese gevoelens of andere politieke voorkeur.

    Volgens zijn oom, die woont in Amsterdam, is het model gevangen genomen omdat zijn familie in het buitenland woont en deelneemt aan protesten tegen de Chinese schending van mensenrechten.
    Miniatuurvoorbeeld Lees ook:
    Modemerken onder druk: '1 op 5 kledingstukken van Oeigoerse dwangarbeid'

    Zijn oom was ook degene die de beelden, samen met een aantal sms-berichten, doorspeelde aan de BBC. Het doorspelen van het beeldmateriaal brengt risico's met zich mee voor Ghappar, maar zijn oom ziet publiciteit inmiddels als de enige uitweg.
    Sinds maart niets meer gehoord

    De beelden zijn vermoedelijk van een half jaar geleden. Sinds maart heeft zijn familie niets meer vernomen van het model.

    De afgelopen tijd werd er al steeds meer bekend over de heropvoedingskampen. Zo riep een wereldwijde coalitie twee weken geleden op om productie van kleding uit de regio Xinjiang stop te zetten. De kleding zou worden gemaakt door Oeigoerse dwangarbeiders – onbetaald en tegen hun zin.
    https://www.rtlnieuws.nl/nieuws/buit...voedignskampen