Amerikaanse Soldaat gewond na granaat aanval

[Ezzedine]

Baghdad Grenade Attack Hurts U.S. Soldier Tuesday September 30, 2003 1:46 PM By TAREK AL-ISSAWI Associated Press Writer BAGHDAD, Iraq (AP) - One American soldier was slightly injured Tuesday when an apparent grenade exploded as a U.S. convoy was passing over a bridge in northern Baghdad, witnesses said. Witnesses said the explosive device appeared to have been thrown or fired from a passing vehicle on a bridge over the Beirut Square traffic circle in the city's Nile neighborhood. U.S. vehicles flooded the area searching for the attacker. Residents said it was the first such attack in the quiet residential and commercial district. The U.S.-appointed Iraqi Governing Council said Tuesday it would study the reinstatement of members of Saddam Hussein's Baath Party to their jobs. The council said ministries would form committees examine whether employees who once belonged to the now-outlawed party should be reinstated to their civil service jobs. However, on Monday, Charles Heatley, spokesman for the American-led Coalition Provisional Authority, said there would not be an appeals mechanism for individuals who lost their jobs because they were members in the Baath Party. Heatley said that while there was a ``procedure for exemptions which could be considered on the basis of whether people are both essential to their jobs, and whether they did not, in fact, commit any crimes in their previous employment ... there've been very few cases of those exemptions granted.'' On May 16, the top U.S. civilian administrator, L. Paul Bremer, issued a decree barring top-ranking Baath Party members from any public position, a process now referred to as deBaathification - whether in universities, hospitals or minor government posts. Since then, ministries and government departments have seen a purging of dozens of Baathists. During the 34-year-rule of the Baath Party, as many as 1.5 million of Iraq's 24 million people were members. But only about 25,000 to 50,000 had full-fledged party positions - the elite targeted by U.S. officials. The Baath Party was founded in neighboring Syria in 1943 and spread quickly across the Arab world, promoting Arab unity with a repressive, Soviet-style party structure. It ruled Iraq for several months in 1963, and then took full control of the country in 1968. Through the years, though, it lost much of its original ideology and gradually became little more than a tool for Saddam Hussein's control over Iraq. The decision also said employees included in the deBaathification law were now allowed to apply for ``early retirement benefits.'' In New York, a U.N. spokesman said more than 30 U.N. international staff pulled out of Iraq over the weekend after the U.N. chief ordered additional staff cutbacks due to security concerns, leaving just 50 foreign employees behind. The number of U.N. workers in Iraq will continue to fluctuate because ``there will be some movements out, and there's going to be occasional movements back in,'' spokesman Fred Eckhard said at a news briefing Monday. The United Nations had 300 international staff in Baghdad and another 300 elsewhere in Iraq before a car bomb on Aug. 19 killed 22 people at the U.N. headquarters in Baghdad. U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan later ordered the number reduced to 42 in Baghdad and 44 in the north. Annan ordered a further cutbacks last week following a second bombing, but did not say how many of the remaining staffers would leave. In announcing the latest cutbacks last week, Eckhard said the United Nation's humanitarian work should be able to continue, with limited international supervision, using the 4,233 Iraqis working for the United Nations.

[rnaj]

Ezzedine, wat zou jij toch iedere middag moeten doen als de VS uit Irak zou vertrekken :boogie:.

[Ezzedine]

Ewa er is nog Palestina,kashmir,philipijnen,tsetsenie,Zuid Libanon,Afganistan het is overal bezig als ik ze allemaal zou behandelen heb ik geen sociale leven meer

[Ezzedine]

Eyy rnaj lees dit dan heb je vandaag ook wat te doen Iraqi Resistance to Foreign Occupation Enjoys Great Popular Support uploaded 28 Sep 2003 Patriots and Invaders Iraqi Resistance to Foreign Occupation Enjoys Great Popular Support by Sami Ramadani September 27, 2003 It was my first and brutally abrupt realization that Baghdad, the city of my childhood, is now occupied territory. It was also my first encounter with a potent symbol of Iraqi hostility to the occupation forces. Sitting in the front seat of the taxi that brought us from Amman, I suddenly realized that a heavy machine gun was pointing at us from only a few meters away. It was an American soldier aboard an armored vehicle in front of us, stuck in a traffic jam on the outskirts of Baghdad. He gestured disapprovingly towards our driver for approaching with some speed, then looked to his left and angrily stuck out a middle finger. I followed his gaze and there was a child of no more than eight or nine sitting in a chair in front of the open gates leading to the garden of his house. He was shouting angrily, with a clenched fist of defiance, cutting the air with swift and furious right hooks. Two weeks later, and after talking to scores of people and touring much of Baghdad, it dawned on me that that child's rebellious, free spirit was a moving and powerful symbol of how most people in Baghdad felt towards the occupation forces. It is precisely this indomitable spirit which survived the decades of Saddam's brutal regime, the numerous wars and the murderous 13 years of sanctions. And it is precisely this spirit that Bush and Blair did not take on board when they decided to invade and occupy Iraq. They chose instead to listen to the echo of their own voices bouncing back at them from some of the Iraqi opposition groups, nurtured, financed and trained by the Pentagon and the CIA. Some of these Iraqi voices are now members of the US-appointed Iraqi governing council. A recent report in the Washington Post backs up the rumors I heard in Baghdad that the Iraqi resistance to occupation is so strong that the authorities are now actively recruiting some of the brutal officers of the security and armed forces that Saddam himself used to suppress the people. If true, the US administration, in the name of fighting the so-called remnants of Saddam's regime, is now busy trying to rebuild the shattered edifice of Saddam's tyrannical state - a tyranny which they had backed and armed with WMD for many years. One of the popular sayings I repeatedly heard in Baghdad, describing the relations between the US and Saddam's regime, is "Rah el sani', ija el ussta" - "gone is the apprentice, in comes the master." The governing council is not so much hated as ridiculed, and attacked for having its members chosen along sectarian lines. Most of the people I talked to think that it is a powerless body: it has no army, no police, and no national budget, but boasts nine rotating presidents. One of the jokes circulating in Baghdad was that no sooner had you brought down Saddam's picture than you were being asked to pin up nine new ones. Support for the council is largely confined to some activists of the organizations that belong to it. Indeed, it could be argued that most supporters of the more credible organizations belonging to the council are opposed to membership of the US-appointed body. The leaders of the Supreme Council of the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (Sciri), for example, are finding it increasingly hard to convince these supporters that cooperation with the invaders is still a possible route to independence and democracy. The same goes for another smaller but equally credible party, the Islamic Da'wa, which experienced a split and serious hemorrhaging of membership following its decision to join the council. The now small organization that enjoyed majority support in Iraq in the late 50s, the Iraqi Communist party (ICP), was opposed to the invasion and the council, but decided to join it at the eleventh hour. Most of its supporters opposed the move. One, a poor truck driver, described it as being even worse than the 1972 ICP leadership decision to join Saddam's government. That policy collapsed in a pool of blood when Saddam turned on the party's members, killing, jailing and forcing into exile thousands of them. The truck driver described the council as "the devil's lump of iron": a saying which refers to the superstitious practice of keeping a small piece of metal in the house to ward off the devil. The gulf between popular sentiment and membership of the council was clear after the murder of the leader of Sciri, Ayatolla Mohammed Baqir Al Hakim. The slogans chanted by the hundreds of thousands who marched in the three-day funeral processions in Baghdad and Najaf - "Death to America, Death to Saddam" and "There is no god but Allah; America is the enemy of Allah; Saddam is the enemy of Allah" - were very much in tune with what I witnessed in Baghdad. They revealed the strength of anti-US feeling in Baghdad and the south. The one area where America has had relative success is Iraqi Kurdistan. The political situation in this region is complex. Most Kurds believed that the no-fly zone during Saddam's reign protected them from his chemical weapons, and it is evident that the sanctions did not hurt Kurdistan as much as it did the rest of Iraq. In the lead-up to the war, most Kurds accepted the tactical notion of being protected against Saddam and the hated Turkish forces. But despite this, it is likely that American plans in Kurdistan will face popular opposition once the realities of US interests and the regional contradictions reassert themselves. Meanwhile, the historic political unity between Arabs and Kurds in Iraq is unlikely to be broken. What of the armed resistance? And why is it much more evident in some parts of Iraq than others? There is no doubt that armed resistance directed against the US forces enjoys wide popular support and is mostly carried out by politically diverse, locally based organizations However, I also met many in Baghdad who, though supportive of the "patriots" who resist the "invaders", believe that such actions are "premature". One should, they argue, first exhaust all peaceful means, mobilizing the people in mass organizations before confronting the occupation forces in armed struggle. Popular sentiment can be gleaned from the conspiracy theories circulating in Baghdad. People routinely blame the US or Israel or Kuwait for attacks on civilian rather than military targets. But you do not need to be a conspiracy theorist to suspect that the main reason for the high intensity of armed conflict in areas of central Iraq and Mosul is that the US itself decided to make these areas the arena for a showdown that they thought they could win more easily, thereby establishing a bridgehead from which they could subdue Baghdad and the south. They provoked conflict by killing civilians in cold blood in Falluja, Mosul, Ramadi and elsewhere long before any armed resistance in those areas. The occupying forces quickly discovered that the slightest provocation in the labyrinthine working-class districts of Baghdad, and most cities of the south, was being met by massive shows of popular strength on the streets. The US military command are surely aware that Iraqis in these areas are heavily armed, well-trained and better organized. The US authority's nonsense about a "Sunni triangle" and "Shi'ite Baghdad and south" is a smokescreen which has so far failed to divide the Iraqi people or drive them into internecine conflict. The only people who now believe that the US will back a democratic path in Iraq are the few who have still not fully grasped America's role in Iraq's modern history, the strategic significance of Iraq, or the nature of US foreign policy today. Leaving the city on the road back to Amman, when our car passed by the house of that precocious child, I realized why my love for Baghdad remained undiminished despite 34 years in exile. · Sami Ramadani was a political refugee from Saddam's regime and is a senior lecturer in sociology at London Metropolitan University Source: Guardian UK

[Ezzedine]

Opbouwen die land om later als olie donor voor Amerika te werken. Conclusie Amerika heeft schijt aan irak en het irakeze volk alleen haar olie.

[Ezzedine]

Dan blijven ze bloeden die Amerikanen simpel als dat.

[platje]

Origineel gepost door Democraat Zouden Irakesen er blij mee zijn dat de wederopbouw van hun land fokking langzaam gaat omdat er idioten rondlopen die de Amerikanen opblazen? Irak wordt daar echt niets beter van, de wederopbouw zal alleen maar langer duren. conclusie: die terroristen hebben schi.jt aan Irak As if... :lol: Haha, alsof Amerika daadwerkelijk van plan is om Irak te helpen bij de wederopbouw. Don't be fakkin naieve.. :rolleyes: Het enige waar Amerika om geeft is Irak leegzuigen voor wat het waard is, zoals het een echte s.l.e.t. beaamt :D

[Ezzedine]

87 miljard krijgt hij niet en als hij het krijgt moet hij het uitgeven aan bodybags en uitkeringen voor de nabestaanden.

[platje]

Origineel gepost door Democraat Nee? Waar gaan ze die fokking 87 miljard dan voor gebruiken? Amerikanen zijn naief die denken echt dat het gaat lukken en doen er heel hard hun best voor om Irak beter te maken, anders wordt Bush jr. namelijk niet herkozen. Amerika heeft al heel wat ziekhuizen en elictriciteitscentrales herbouwt dus denk voortaan wat langer na. Ik moet nadenken.. :confused: Die electriciteitscentrales zijn er voor de ziekenhuizen gevuld met Amerikaanse soldaten.. Een vriend van me is net twee weken terug daar vandaan, en geloof me als ik zeg dat de Irakezen geen moer hebben, heb de foto's zelf gezien. Over naiviteit gesproken.. in Amerika geldt er 1 regel in tijd van oorlog en herverkiezingen, ' Leave no wounded men behind on the battlefield'. Het enige wat de amerikaanse overheid hoeft te doen is een mooie campagne op te stellen, waar veel "Rambo's" een goed woordje spreken. Dat is genoeg voor een volk wat alleen maar oorlog heeft gekend in haar korte doch moorddadige geschiedenis.

[Ezzedine]

Origineel gepost door La_Saima Wat zou jij doen als de Arabieren Europa binnen zouden vallen en alle homosexuelen opruimen:auw: hahaahahah ewa schuurder begint de moter weer warm te lopen

[Willemien]

Er is inderdaad voglens mij geen enkele andere reden overgebleven voor de amerikanen om in irak te blijven, dan: - gezichtsverlies - eigenbelang Dit aangezien er geen massavernietigingsdinges te ontmantelen zijn, en het bovendien handen vol geld kost en amerikaanse levens kost, de irakezen ook liever de VN binnen en amerika buiten hebben, en de VN een alternatief biedt en het over willen nemen. Dus je kan je inderdaad afvragen wat die lui daar nog doen.